40. The online instant service aims to the application for social welfare.
(A)fluctuate
(B)formulate
(C)fabricate
(D)facilitate
解析
(A)錯誤。fluctuate 指波動，是不及物動詞。
(B)錯誤。formulate 指制定、擬定，受詞通常是計畫或政策。
(C)錯誤。fabricate 指捏造。
(D)正確。facilitate 指「使更便利、簡化」；線上即時服務的目的正是讓社福申請更為便捷。
答案為官方標準答案；以上解析由 AI 撰寫，非官方解析，僅供理解參考。
115年公務人員高等考試三級考試暨普通考試｜法學知識與英文｜第 40 題
41. 依上文，選出第 41 格最適當的答案。
It is still a problem for many people in the world to have safe water to drink. Some people hold that bottled water isa more convenient product than tap water when you need a quick drink; ___(41)___ , few may wonder where the former ismade and why it costs so much. In fact, tap water isn’t a universal luxury. It’s ___(42)___ that more than 800 million peoplearound the world don’t have safe drinking water, and even in the US, cities had to use bottled water ___(43)___ tap water.The tap water had aging facilities or toxic chemicals in the water supply. On the other hand, bottled water has a hugeenvironmental impact. It usually ___(44)___ a lake, spring, or underground aquifer, and on average, ___(45)___ need 3 litersof water to make one liter of bottled water. To make plastic bottles, they need billions of gallons of oil every year and2,000 times more energy than tap water needs.
It is still a problem for many people in the world to have safe water to drink. Some people hold that bottled water isa more convenient product than tap water when you need a quick drink; ___(41)___ , few may wonder where the former ismade and why it costs so much. In fact, tap water isn’t a universal luxury. It’s ___(42)___ that more than 800 million peoplearound the world don’t have safe drinking water, and even in the US, cities had to use bottled water ___(43)___ tap water.The tap water had aging facilities or toxic chemicals in the water supply. On the other hand, bottled water has a hugeenvironmental impact. It usually ___(44)___ a lake, spring, or underground aquifer, and on average, ___(45)___ need 3 litersof water to make one liter of bottled water. To make plastic bottles, they need billions of gallons of oil every year and2,000 times more energy than tap water needs.
(A)conducted
(B)included
(C)estimated
(D)secluded
解析
(A)錯誤。conduct 指執行、進行，不接 that 子句作此用法。
(B)錯誤。include 指包含，語意不通。
(C)正確。It's estimated that 是引述統計數字的固定句型，後接全球逾八億人沒有安全飲用水的推估數據。
(D)錯誤。seclude 指使隔離、隱居。
答案為官方標準答案；以上解析由 AI 撰寫，非官方解析，僅供理解參考。
115年公務人員高等考試三級考試暨普通考試｜法學知識與英文｜第 42 題
43. 依上文，選出第 43 格最適當的答案。
It is still a problem for many people in the world to have safe water to drink. Some people hold that bottled water isa more convenient product than tap water when you need a quick drink; ___(41)___ , few may wonder where the former ismade and why it costs so much. In fact, tap water isn’t a universal luxury. It’s ___(42)___ that more than 800 million peoplearound the world don’t have safe drinking water, and even in the US, cities had to use bottled water ___(43)___ tap water.The tap water had aging facilities or toxic chemicals in the water supply. On the other hand, bottled water has a hugeenvironmental impact. It usually ___(44)___ a lake, spring, or underground aquifer, and on average, ___(45)___ need 3 litersof water to make one liter of bottled water. To make plastic bottles, they need billions of gallons of oil every year and2,000 times more energy than tap water needs.
(A)in addition to
(B)as well as
(C)due to
(D)instead of
解析
(A)錯誤。in addition to 表附加，但文中是說改用瓶裝水「取代」自來水。
(B)錯誤。as well as 同樣表並列附加。
(C)錯誤。due to 表原因，句構也不合。
(D)正確。下句說自來水設施老舊或含有毒化學物質，可知城市是以瓶裝水「取代」自來水，instead of 正合此意。
答案為官方標準答案；以上解析由 AI 撰寫，非官方解析，僅供理解參考。
115年公務人員高等考試三級考試暨普通考試｜法學知識與英文｜第 43 題
44. 依上文，選出第 44 格最適當的答案。
It is still a problem for many people in the world to have safe water to drink. Some people hold that bottled water isa more convenient product than tap water when you need a quick drink; ___(41)___ , few may wonder where the former ismade and why it costs so much. In fact, tap water isn’t a universal luxury. It’s ___(42)___ that more than 800 million peoplearound the world don’t have safe drinking water, and even in the US, cities had to use bottled water ___(43)___ tap water.The tap water had aging facilities or toxic chemicals in the water supply. On the other hand, bottled water has a hugeenvironmental impact. It usually ___(44)___ a lake, spring, or underground aquifer, and on average, ___(45)___ need 3 litersof water to make one liter of bottled water. To make plastic bottles, they need billions of gallons of oil every year and2,000 times more energy than tap water needs.
(A)originates from
(B)pours into
(C)fluctuates among
(D)appears in
解析
(A)正確。originate from 指「源自」；瓶裝水的水源來自湖泊、泉水或地下含水層，正說明其環境衝擊的起點。
(B)錯誤。pour into 指注入，方向相反。
(C)錯誤。fluctuate among 指在……之間波動。
(D)錯誤。appear in 指出現於，語意過於空泛。
答案為官方標準答案；以上解析由 AI 撰寫，非官方解析，僅供理解參考。
115年公務人員高等考試三級考試暨普通考試｜法學知識與英文｜第 44 題
45. 依上文，選出第 45 格最適當的答案。
It is still a problem for many people in the world to have safe water to drink. Some people hold that bottled water isa more convenient product than tap water when you need a quick drink; ___(41)___ , few may wonder where the former ismade and why it costs so much. In fact, tap water isn’t a universal luxury. It’s ___(42)___ that more than 800 million peoplearound the world don’t have safe drinking water, and even in the US, cities had to use bottled water ___(43)___ tap water.The tap water had aging facilities or toxic chemicals in the water supply. On the other hand, bottled water has a hugeenvironmental impact. It usually ___(44)___ a lake, spring, or underground aquifer, and on average, ___(45)___ need 3 litersof water to make one liter of bottled water. To make plastic bottles, they need billions of gallons of oil every year and2,000 times more energy than tap water needs.
46. Which of the following is the main idea of this passage?
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examplesof public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plentyof blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organizedand committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districtsin any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across thecountry. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing bodyof evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for studentsthe district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reformless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, butat destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flippedthe board majority to that camp.Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. Thebroad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality ofgoverning a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native andDenver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova nevergot a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new boardgave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's solefocus.Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. Ithas a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving theirside unanimous control.
(A)A group of activists are now close to their goal of dismantling the educational reform in Denver.
(B)Denver's educational reform agenda has been badly interrupted by the Covid-19 pandemic.
(C)Denver's educational reform has improved significantly, including students who had performed poorly.
(D)Denver's teacher union-based board has made concerted efforts to implement a successful educational reform.
47. According to the passage, which of the following is true about the opposition camp of Denver's educationalreform?
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examplesof public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plentyof blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organizedand committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districtsin any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across thecountry. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing bodyof evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for studentsthe district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reformless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, butat destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flippedthe board majority to that camp.Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. Thebroad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality ofgoverning a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native andDenver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova nevergot a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new boardgave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's solefocus.Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. Ithas a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving theirside unanimous control.
(A)They supported changing the governance and operation of school districts.
(B)They disagreed with the educational reform from the very beginning.
(C)They insisted on teacher choice and autonomy in the governance of schools.
(D)They gained full support from Denver's families and educators.
48. Which of the following is closest in meaning to the phrase "cleaninghouse at the top" in the passage?
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examplesof public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plentyof blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organizedand committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districtsin any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across thecountry. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing bodyof evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for studentsthe district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reformless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, butat destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flippedthe board majority to that camp.Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. Thebroad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality ofgoverning a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native andDenver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova nevergot a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new boardgave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's solefocus.Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. Ithas a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving theirside unanimous control.
(A)Destroying the union’s scheme to sabotage Cordova's agenda.
(B)Encouraging Cordova to enact her reform in the school district.
(C)Removing the pro-reform superintendent from the office.
(D)Modifying schooling practices during the Covid-19 pandemic.
49. Which of the following best describes the tone of the passage?
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examplesof public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plentyof blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organizedand committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districtsin any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across thecountry. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing bodyof evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for studentsthe district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reformless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, butat destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flippedthe board majority to that camp.Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. Thebroad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality ofgoverning a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native andDenver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova nevergot a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new boardgave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's solefocus.Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. Ithas a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving theirside unanimous control.
50. According to the passage, what is most likely to happen to Denver's educational reform in the near future?
Denver's public schools' three-year plunge from one of the nation's most carefully planned and promising examplesof public-education transformation into a district led by a school board in disarray has multiple causes, and there's plentyof blame to spread around. Ultimately, however, it is the result of a concerted effort over more than a decade by organizedand committed activists, local and national, who have opposed changing the governance and operation of school districtsin any significant way. The politics of public education in Denver have grown increasingly in school systems across thecountry. What distinguishes the conflict over reform in Denver is how unrelated it is to student outcomes.While Denver's reforms have been far from perfect, they merit the national attention they've drawn. A growing bodyof evidence makes clear that outcomes for students in the city slowly yet significantly improved, including for studentsthe district has historically failed to serve well. Yet as soon as Denver Public Schools took its initial steps toward reformless than two decades ago, an active opposition campaign arose, aimed not at moderating or improving the reforms, butat destroying them. In 2019, the election of three new anti-reform members to the Denver Board of Education flippedthe board majority to that camp.Since the educational reform was launched in 2005, Denver's families and educators have embraced choice. Thebroad popularity of choice in Denver makes dismantling reform politically fraught for the board and its allies. In fact,the board has faced strong pushback from some parents and educators and has had to confront the complex reality ofgoverning a district where choice, autonomy, and a focus on outcomes are now woven into the fabric of public education.But the union-supported board majority was determined to push ahead, and that meant cleaninghouse at the top. In fall2020, Superintendent Susana Cordova resigned after less than two years on the job. Cordova is a Denver native andDenver Public Schools graduate who had spent most of her professional career working for the district. Cordova nevergot a chance to enact her own agenda. First, a teacher strike weakened her just weeks into her tenure. Next, the new boardgave her no room to enact changes. Finally, softening the impacts of the Covid-19 pandemic became the district's solefocus.Now that the pandemic's disruption is receding, the board appears poised to renew its efforts to roll back reform. Ithas a good chance of succeeding, because in November 2021, all four of the anti-reform candidates won, giving theirside unanimous control.
(A)The reformers' focus on student outcomes will continue to improve Denver's public education.
(B)Choice and autonomy will continue to take central roles in Denver's public education.
(C)Pro-reform parents and teachers will take back the school board and continue their reform agenda.
(D)The new school board dominated by anti-reform members will succeed in rolling back the reform.